染雾名人演讲稿英文 篇一：Inspiring the World through Education
Ladies and gentlemen,
Good morning! It is an honor to stand before you today and share my thoughts on the power of education to inspire and transform lives. As a renowned educator and advocate for quality education, I firmly believe that education is not just a means to acquire knowledge, but a pathway to create a better future for all.
Education is the key that unlocks the door to opportunity. It empowers individuals to pursue their dreams and achieve their full potential. It equips us with the necessary skills and knowledge to navigate through life's challenges and make informed decisions. Education provides us with a strong foundation upon which we can build successful careers and contribute meaningfully to society.
However, the transformative power of education goes beyond personal development. Education has the ability to shape societies and drive positive change. It is the cornerstone of progress and development, enabling nations to thrive and prosper. When education is accessible to all, regardless of gender, race, or socioeconomic background, it becomes a powerful tool for social inclusion and equality.
In today's rapidly changing world, education must also adapt and evolve. We need to equip our students with the skills needed to thrive in the digital age. This means embracing technology, fostering critical thinking, and promoting creativity and innovation. We must prepare our students not just for jobs that exist today, but for the jobs of the future.
Furthermore, education should not be limited to the classroom. We must encourage lifelong learning and create opportunities for continuous personal and professional development. Education should be a lifelong journey of exploration and discovery, enabling us to adapt to new challenges and seize new opportunities.
To truly inspire the world through education, we must ensure that it is accessible to all. We must break down barriers and eliminate inequalities in access to education. This requires governments, organizations, and individuals to work together and invest in education, particularly in marginalized communities. Education is a fundamental human right, and it is our collective responsibility to ensure that every child has the chance to receive a quality education.
In conclusion, education has the power to transform lives and shape societies. It is not just a privilege, but a right that should be accessible to all. Let us work together to inspire the world through education, empowering individuals and creating a brighter future for generations to come.
Thank you.
名人演讲稿英文 篇二：The Power of Unity in a Divided World
Distinguished guests,
Good evening! Today, I want to talk to you about the power of unity in a divided world. In an era of increasing polarization and divisions, it is more important than ever that we come together and find common ground.
In today's world, we are faced with numerous challenges that require global cooperation. Climate change, poverty, terrorism, and inequality are just a few examples of the complex issues that transcend national boundaries. These problems cannot be solved by any one country or individual alone. We need collective action and unity to address these challenges effectively.
Unity does not mean that we have to agree on everything. It means that we must respect and appreciate our differences, while working towards a common goal. It means finding common values and shared aspirations that can unite us despite our diversity. Unity is not about erasing our identities; it is about celebrating them and recognizing that we are stronger together than we are apart.
Unity also requires empathy and understanding. We must be willing to listen to different perspectives and engage in open and honest dialogue. In a world where echo chambers and confirmation biases are prevalent, it is crucial that we seek out diverse viewpoints and challenge our own assumptions. Only through dialogue and understanding can we bridge the divides that separate us.
Furthermore, unity requires leadership. It requires leaders who are willing to put aside personal interests and prioritize the greater good. Leaders who can inspire and mobilize people towards a common vision. We need leaders who can build bridges, not walls. Leaders who can foster collaboration and cooperation, rather than division and conflict.
Unity is not just a lofty ideal; it is a practical necessity. Divisions and conflicts only hinder progress and prevent us from finding solutions to the pressing issues of our time. By embracing unity, we can create a world where peace, justice, and prosperity are not just aspirations, but realities.
In conclusion, the power of unity in a divided world cannot be underestimated. It is the key to solving the complex challenges we face and building a better future for all. Let us come together, celebrate our diversity, and work towards a shared vision of a more united and harmonious world.
Thank you.
名人演讲稿英文 篇三
This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.
Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their lifes savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.
Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.
The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.
In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.
At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.
Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.
Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austra
l-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.
Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.
During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, dont frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.
Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hours notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.
The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.
Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.
There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.
Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to pide our people, to pide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.
There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.
The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.
名人演讲稿英文 篇四
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the worlds peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or pided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright an d very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world -- the new world in which we now live -- instead of a place of mastery.
名人演讲稿英文 篇五
ladies and gentlemen, good morning. it’s my great honor to be here and i am very happy to see you all. thank you for being here. what i am going to talk about today is how to speak good English. making
first of all, i’d like to talk about the importance of speaking good English and share my experience in learning English with you. as you know, English has become an international language. wherever you go, English is always commonly used. it is convenient to know the language. at the same time, English may be the most important factor in deciding which countries are leaders in the future. the language of the most advanced management and technology is undoubtedly English. being able to absorb this information is really the key to the new century. in the 21century. we can’t go there and speak our own language because nobody is going to learn it in order to understand us. our asian rival, india, has surged ahead of other developing countries in information technology because of its superior English skills. unlewe are able to master English, we will not be able to get our population to use it and take advantage of the new economy. there is an urgent need to have a workforce which is proficient in the language in view of the information technology onslaught.
second, about learning English, i think laying a strong foundation is the first and most important step. in other words, you should read and speak English every day. memorizing new words and phrases is also helpful. of course, learning English takes some time, so don’t be impatient. remember, rome wasn’t built in a day. and then since English is not our native tongue, we must develop the muscles of your speech organs to produce unfamiliar sounds. when you read, read as loudly as possible, as clearly as possible and as quickly as possible. tongue muscles’ training is of importance in learning any foreign language.
third, if you want to speak good English, please don’t care how poorly well you speak, only care about catching the chances to speak. you must enjoy losing face, just forget about your face. the more you speak, the better your English will become. the more mistakes you make, the more progreyou will make. you must enjoy speaking poor English, because speaking is the only thing that will lead you towards success. don’t give up. just try your best. every time you move your mouth, your memory will deepen, your muscles will strengthen. you can make it.
i have made a considerable amounts of public English speaking in my life, i am often asked why the crazy English method is better than other methods or if the crazy English method will help all English learners. my answer is, the method will help the English learners because it is a perfect match with the chinese principles of diligence, self-help and determination. mere exposure to English will not enable you to speak English. if you want to drive you have to get in the car and drive, if you want to dance you have to turn on the music and dance, if you want to swim you have to jump in the water and swim. in fact, swimming is the perfect comparison to learning English. you can’t learn to swim by sitting in a room and reading books about swimming skills. in order to be a swimmer you’ve got to conquer you fear, you’ve got to survive and suck in water, yell for help, you’ve got to lose face many times before you can make it. but, to be a good swimmer you’ve got to practice again and again. to be a great swimmer you have to practice for years until you can harmonize every part of your body and mind.
finally, i want to greet you and encourage you to seize this unique opportunity to conquer English and make lifelong friends from all over our college. as you know, we are human beings ,not animals. we know what we want to do. we know our destiny is in our hands. with hard work and determination, we can do anything we set our mind to do. today, i will accompany you every minute on this unique journey. i want you to open your heart, i want you to be devoted, i want you to be crazy, i want you to forget about your face, i want to open your mouth wildly, i want you conquer your lazineand all the other human weaknesses, i want you to overcome all the obstacles that hold you back.
i want to share your joy and i want to share your struggle, but most important of all, i want to share your glory and victory. we are the future of china, the future of asian, and the future of the world. we desire to win, we must win, we will win, absolutely, definitely, and without any doubt! form a painfully shy boy who felt terrible about himself, who regarded himself as human trash, a born loser, to an internationally recognized English promoter, i made it. so i strongly believe that you will make it too. i have confidence in you.
