染雾英国首相布莱尔01系列演讲之 篇一
在布莱尔的01系列演讲中，他着重强调了英国在国际事务中的角色和责任。他强调了英国作为一个强大的国家，应该发挥积极的领导作用，并与其他国家合作解决全球性问题。
布莱尔在演讲中提到了全球化对英国以及其他国家的重要性。他认为全球化是一个不可逆转的趋势，各国之间的联系和相互依赖性越来越紧密。他强调了英国应该积极参与全球事务，并为此做好准备。
布莱尔还强调了英国在国际安全和反恐方面的责任。他指出恐怖主义是全球性威胁，需要全球范围内的合作来解决。他表示英国将与其他国家一起努力，打击恐怖主义并维护国际安全。
此外，布莱尔还提到了英国在国际贸易和经济发展方面的重要性。他认为英国应该积极推动自由贸易，为全球经济增长做出贡献。他表示英国将与其他国家合作，打破贸易壁垒，促进经济繁荣。
布莱尔的演讲表达了英国在国际事务中的积极态度和领导作用。他强调了英国应该发挥积极的角色，并与其他国家合作解决全球性问题。他的演讲为英国的国际形象树立了积极的形象，并向其他国家展示了英国的领导能力和责任感。
英国首相布莱尔01系列演讲之 篇二
在布莱尔的01系列演讲中，他着重强调了英国在欧洲事务中的地位和重要性。他认为英国应该积极参与欧洲事务，并与欧洲其他国家一起合作解决共同面临的问题。
布莱尔在演讲中提到了欧洲一体化的重要性。他认为欧洲一体化对于维护和平、促进繁荣至关重要。他表示英国应该积极参与欧洲一体化进程，并为此做出贡献。
布莱尔还强调了英国在欧洲安全和防务方面的责任。他指出欧洲面临着诸多安全挑战，需要各国共同努力来解决。他表示英国将与欧洲其他国家一起合作，加强安全合作，维护欧洲的和平与稳定。
此外，布莱尔还提到了英国在欧洲经济发展和贸易方面的重要性。他认为英国作为一个经济强国，应该积极参与欧洲经济一体化，为欧洲经济增长做出贡献。他表示英国将与欧洲其他国家一起推动自由贸易，促进经济繁荣。
布莱尔的演讲表达了英国在欧洲事务中的积极态度和合作精神。他强调了英国应该积极参与欧洲一体化进程，并为欧洲的和平、繁荣做出贡献。他的演讲树立了英国在欧洲的积极形象，并向欧洲其他国家展示了英国的领导能力和责任感。
英国首相布莱尔01系列演讲之 篇三
There was a time in the debate about crime when there was an air of fatalism about it. Whatever the policies, nothing seemed to work. Crime rose inexorably. Today's Crime Plan marks the end of that fatalism. In fact, we have a clearer idea today of what works than ever before. There are certain categories of crime that have fallen despite demographic trends. There are police force areas with similar social profiles in which in one case crime has fallen; and in another it has risen. There are parts of the Criminal Justice System that work effectively; parts that plainly don't, and the difference that makes to criminal behaviour in the locality is there for all to see. If there is the prospect of an offender being caught, brought to justice and punished properly, the offender is less likely to offend. That is not just common sense. The evidence shows it.But above all, we have a clear picture of the offenders themselves. The
When I first articulated the philosophy of "tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime" now almost eight years ago, I felt it to be right. Now I know it is. Tougher penalties, more police, a better criminal justice system are essential. But they are insufficient. We also need a concerted attack on the causes that make the criminal as well as the crime.
The evidence we produce today shows beyond any serious doubt that a successful fight against crime has to target the criminal. That means not just effective prosecution and punishment, it also means attacking the reason for offending - drugs, poor skills, no job prospects. And it means, in a wider sense, re-building a decent society where there is opportunity for all and responsibility from all. Good schools are on anti-crime measure. Proper sports facilities are an anti-crime measure. Stable family life prevents crime. Sure start, the New Deal for the unemployed, inner-city regeneration. These are as much part of the strategy to fight crime as more bobbies on the beat and tougher sentences.
I have always believed that you can't separate crime from its causes; rights from duties; strong communities from personal responsibility.
At the time of James Bulger's murder in 1993 I condemned the use of social conditions as an excuse for criminality. There is no excuse for committing crime. There is right and wrong. A child that does not know the difference is a child poised on the path to crime. But we can help create a society in which such moral indifference is less likely to occur.
Today's plan is the first really comprehensive analysis of crime, its causes and solutions, that Government has undertaken, certainly in recent memory. But it builds on what has already been done over the past four years.
We have introduced tougher penalties. Third time burglars now get three years. We've increased penalties for drug traffickers. We've increased mandatory drug testing across the criminal justice system. We've toughened up community sentences so breaches are more likely to lead to custody. And we're now giving courts the power to refuse bail to persistent offenders.
But you don't have to be an expert on crime to know its causes are woven into the very fabric of our society. Family breakdown leaving kids without a stable framework in which to grow up. Unemployment leaving families without hope for the future. Kids dropping out of school. Hard drugs. Teenage pregnancies. A lack of respect for the law becoming breaking the law.
Common sense tells us that these are long-term problems that require long-term solutions. That's why since 1997 we've focussed on the inpidual causes of crime and come up with policies that address them.
Neighbourhood renewal to deal with poor housing.
Literacy hours, exclusion units in school, anti-bullying programmes, after school clubs, to deal with truancy, exclusion and the learning problems that lead to crime.
Action against anti-social drinking and rehabilitation programmes to deal with drug and alcohol abuse in families.
Sure Start to deal with poor physical and mental health.
The New Deal to deal with parental and youth unemployment.
Better family support to deal with split families.
The sex offenders' register and a new priority for police and social services to deal with child abuse and domestic violence.
Many of these programmes are just beginning but the initial results are good.
Above all, there are over a million more people at work, given a stake in society, the sense of personal responsibility, the greater prosperity, that comes with a job.
Getting people off the dole and into work. Educating kids so they get jobs when they leave school. Helping families help themselves.
This is our crime-fighting strategy for tackling the 97% of crime that never gets to the courts. For heading off crime before it happens. For identifying those people sliding into a life of crime, and giving them an alternative.
You don't hear about it much because stopping something happening is not news. It doesn't fit into the cycle where crime provokes headlines, headlines provoke anger and frustration.
But up and down the country, people are experiencing the effects. Overall recorded crime down 7% since 1997. Last year at least 250,000 fewer burglaries and 240,000 fewer vehicle crimes than in the year to March 1997. We will be the first government since the mid 1950s to finish its first term in office with crime lower than when we came to power.
But clearly we haven't done enough. Violent crime is still on the increase. There are still a million people out of work. People in poverty are still denied the opportunities they have a right to expect. While there has been huge progress in the education system, there hasn't been enough. And crime is still much too high, higher than it was 20 or 30 years ago.
That is what today's crime plan is about.
We have taken a long, hard look at Britain's hard-core offenders. Who they are, where they came from. And we've put together a plan that targets them.
The 100,000 persistent offenders in our criminal justice system are responsible for probably around half the crime in this country. Around 60% of them serve 12 months or less. Of those that do, most reoffend once they come out of prison. 80% of persistent offenders are reconvicted within two years of leaving prison or starting probation supervision.
These persistent offenders share a remarkably similar profile. Half are under 21. Nearly two-thirds are hard drug users. More than a third were in care as children. Half have no education at all. More than three-quarters were unemployed when they were offending.
What today's crime plan does is link a strategy to tackle the conditions that have produced this criminal class to reforming the criminal justice system in a way that makes it less likely that they'll reoffend once caught.
The plan will build on what we've already achieved since 1997. The biggest overhaul of our youth justice system in years. A restructured national probation service. Local chief crown prosecutors. A proper role for local councils in fighting crime.
But restoring the confidence of the public in our justice system remains a huge challenge. It will require large-scale investment and fundamental reforms - the sort that are only possible once in a generation.
We need police forces organised and equipped with the skills and resources to take on today's offender.
We need a prosecution service that works hand-in-hand with the police to ensure the guilty are more often convicted, while safeguarding the innocent.
We need everyone in the criminal justice system getting back to what they should do best - catching, prosecuting and punishing offenders.
As crime changes - so too must our criminal justice system.
How can we expect a criminal justice system designed in the 19th century to deal effectively with 21st century crime?
At least one in three robberies in London now involve a mobile phone.
Credit card fraud has more than doubled between 1995 and 1999.
Every week, roughly 5000 people are arrested who have taken cocaine or crack in the previous 48 hours.
In 1999, over 50% of victims of violence by strangers believed their attackers to be acting under the influence of alcohol or drugs.
Today multinational crime syndicates smuggle people and drugs, commit crimes in one jurisdiction, and hide their assets in another
To fight 21st century crime, we need a 21st century criminal justice system.
The crime plan is part of this process. It will tackle the greatest weakness in the system: that far from being a deterrent against reoffending, prisons and the criminal justice system are too often a training ground. We have to stop the revolving door that then keeps sending them back to crime.
Take the way our system currently deals with short sentence prisoners. Those serving sentences less than 12 months like most of those I saw at Pentonville prison this morning.
Every year we release over 40,000 of them back into the community with no formal follow up supervision or support at all. No job or any realistic chance of one. Often no home or stable family ties, and everywhere the temptation to go back to their old life of drug abuse and crime.
Every prisoner leaving custody who needs follow up support or supervision should get it - whatever the length of their sentence.
And that follow up supervision must be meaningful. Every offender being supervised in the community must be clear what the deal is. Either you stay straight and away from crime and drugs - or you can expect to stay supervised by the criminal justice system.
We will offer offenders a new deal. Education and training; a helping hand to get you into employment and stable accommodation. A drug treatment place to help you break that addiction. But in return for those opportunities we expect responsibility in return. A commitment that you will turn away from your old criminal lifestyle and become a productive citizen once more.
For those that reject this helping hand the message will be equally clear. Rigorously enforced punishments which get progressively tougher the more times an offender returns to court. With prison as the option for those who breach community sentences or offend on bail.
So today the Home Secretary sets out a series of measures for action and consultation. Some, in regard to these areas of the criminal justice system within Lord Justice Auld's remit, will await his report. But taken as a whole, the measures propose: changes to sentencing, rules of evidence, the treatment of offenders on drugs, bail, the CPS, greater investment in policing and greater numbers of police. There are specific measures to tackle organised crime which needs a new approach in the face of a wholly new phenomenon connected with drugs, money laundering and illegal immigration. There are new rights for victims, better protection for witnesses and new ways for the courts themselves to operate.
Then, on the other side, in addition to the measures coming into place already on schools, inner cities, housing, employment and social exclusion, there is extra investment in training, skills and drug treatment programmes inside and outside of prison.
Much of this investment is only now available. That is for a simple reason. We always had to make progress in stages. Stage 1 was stabilising the economy, reducing inflation and debt, getting mortgages down, making sure we had the money to invest. Stage 2, was putting people back to work and reducing benefit claims. Stage 3 is where we are now: dealing with the chronic under-investment in our public services, not just schools and hospitals and transport but policing as well. The important thing was not just to commit the money. But to do it in a way that is sustainable, year on year. And then to tie it to change and reform. It is money and modernisation that works.
If people accept this approach, then we need the whole community behind it. The police can't fight crime on their own. Neither can Government. We need to mobilise local communities to help. It is a partnership. That is the only way. The investment is there. The changes in the criminal justice system are coming. The extra police numbers can now happen. The fight against crime can be won and with your help, we will win it.
